{"id":2818,"date":"2026-05-03T03:25:00","date_gmt":"2026-05-03T03:25:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cpiran.net\/English\/?p=2818"},"modified":"2026-05-15T19:32:16","modified_gmt":"2026-05-15T19:32:16","slug":"political-report-of-the-fourth-plenum-of-the-central-committee-of-the-communist-party-of-iran","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cpiran.net\/english\/political-report-of-the-fourth-plenum-of-the-central-committee-of-the-communist-party-of-iran\/","title":{"rendered":"Political Report of the Fourth Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Iran"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Current Political Conditions and Our Tasks<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part One: Global Conditions and the Structural Crisis of Capitalism<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The report begins by outlining the state of the world in 2026 and describes it as \u201ca stage of the simultaneous accumulation of the structural crises of global capitalism.\u201d According to the report, these crises are not temporary deviations, but rather the normal functioning of the capitalist system. Indicators such as the 250 trillion dollar global debt and annual military expenditures of 2.4 trillion dollars demonstrate the deep contradiction between the logic of capital accumulation and the real needs of human beings.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the geopolitical level, the world has become an arena of competition among major powers: the United States as the center of financial and military power, China as the main pole of industrial production, and Russia relying on military power and energy resources. The report emphasizes that the contradiction among these powers is not a confrontation between different systems, but an internal competition within one unified logic: the accumulation of capital and control of markets.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Middle East is presented as one of the most important arenas of this conflict, and the 2026 war against Iran is placed within this context. In the labor market as well, the report speaks of instability of employment becoming the \u201crule,\u201d with around 2 billion people working in informal forms and without contracts. The conclusion of the first part is that in such a world, the task of the working class is to elevate scattered resistance into sustainable and conscious organization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part Two: The Political Situation in Iran<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Nature of the 40-Day War<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This section forms the central focus of the report. The war between the United States and Israel against the Islamic Republic, which lasted 40 days and has still not reached a stable ceasefire, is evaluated as a decisive event on a global scale. The main position of the Communist Party of Iran, formulated in the June 2025 statement, is that this war is reactionary from both sides:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Islamic Republic is a reactionary, misogynistic, and anti-worker regime fighting for the survival of its domination.
Israel is a criminal regime pursuing a genocidal policy against the Palestinians.
The United States is fighting in order to transform the Islamic Republic into a conventional collaborator and secure its own hegemony in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Therefore, a responsible revolutionary force neither suspends the struggle against the Islamic Republic under the pretext of foreign attack, nor places hope in Israel and the United States as \u201cliberating\u201d forces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Objectives of the Warring Parties<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The report separately examines the goals of each side. The Islamic Republic seeks survival, preservation of its nuclear and missile programs, and continuation of its regional influence. The United States seeks to contain Iran\u2019s behavior without necessarily changing the regime. Israel, however, has more maximalist goals: preventing Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and weakening its regional power. The deadlock in negotiations stems from the fact that the Islamic Republic views surrendering the main components of its power as equivalent to collapse.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Different Approaches Within the Opposition<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The report openly criticizes a section of the opposition that portrayed foreign war as an \u201copportunity\u201d for the fall of the Islamic Republic or recklessly called people into the streets. This approach is described as \u201cadventurist and irresponsible.\u201d In contrast, the approach defended by the Party had warned that foreign attack would not only fail to bring freedom, but could intensify the security atmosphere and push back the independent struggle of the people. The report adds that defenders of the first position, who are now gradually retreating, cannot evade political responsibility without explicitly acknowledging their error.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Short-Term Prospects<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is likely that negotiations will lead to a period of \u201cneither war nor peace.\u201d The United States prefers to gain concessions through maximum pressure “meaning sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and military threats” without entering into full-scale war. The Islamic Republic faces two options: relative retreat, leading to a reconfiguration within the leadership structure, or choosing a survival model through isolation, a path resembling North Korea. In either case, the regime\u2019s crisis will not be resolved; only its form will change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Postwar Iran<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The report presents an image of the postwar period. On the one hand, without oil revenues and under multilayered sanctions, reconstruction of infrastructure will be practically impossible, while unemployment, inflation, and poverty will intensify. On the other hand, the end of the wartime atmosphere will give people the opportunity to revive suspended demands. Demands such as bread, work, and freedom can once again become the axis of social movements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The postwar period is also described as a moment for evaluating the political credibility of various forces. Currents that welcomed the war or remained silent in the face of destruction will face an erosion of legitimacy. Forces that maintained a clear boundary against both the war and the order that produces it will have greater potential for influence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part Three: The Priorities and Tasks of the Party<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Breaking Free from Two Illusions<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The report emphasizes the necessity of freeing ourselves from two harmful illusions:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

First, the illusion of salvation from outside: neither foreign pressure, nor military attack, nor intervention by world powers will pave the road to freedom for the people of Iran. These pressures only readjust the balance among reactionary forces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Second, the illusion of uprising without organization: victory can only emerge from the combination of three elements, consciousness, organization, and leadership. Calls for street action without these elements merely impose casualties and increase the cost of change. The gap between weakening a government and bringing it down can only be filled by organized force.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Practical Tactics<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The report stresses the necessity of taking small and gradual achievements seriously. Forty-seven years of struggle have shown that every retreat by the Islamic Republic has only been imposed through social struggle. The central task is transforming social pressure into sustainable organization. The future path will not pass through explosive uprisings lacking organization.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Labor Movement as the Central Axis<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A key role in this period is assigned to the labor movement. Two principal demands are defined for imposition upon the government:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The right to strike: which contains within itself a complete package of rights, from the right to assembly and demonstration to protection from dismissal, the right to collective bargaining, solidarity rights, and strike funds. A strike is not merely stopping work; it is the transformation of scattered force into an instrument of social pressure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The right to independent organization: based on which workers can freely establish unions, associations, or any independent labor institution. Without these two rights, the working class will always remain fragmented and vulnerable to repression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part Four: Tasks in Kurdistan<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Tactical Orientation<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Kurdistan, the principal orientation is defined as a more active participation of Party activists within social and mass struggles. Political struggle that distances itself from the real needs of the people becomes confined to abstract slogans. Several main arenas for activity are identified:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The labor movement: participation in labor associations, support for construction workers, seasonal workers, and kolbars, and the establishment of financial solidarity funds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women\u2019s organization: creating women\u2019s organizations around basic rights, struggling for freedom of dress, equal pay, the right to divorce, and combating domestic violence. Kurdish working women simultaneously suffer under gender discrimination, class exploitation, and national oppression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Democratic freedoms: defending freedom of expression, organization, and protest, defending political prisoners, and demanding the lifting of the military and security atmosphere.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Culture, language, and the environment: defending education in the mother tongue, cultural and artistic activities, and struggling against environmental crises that directly threaten the lives of toilers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The report emphasizes linking national, class, gender, and democratic demands together. A kolbar is simultaneously a victim of poverty, national oppression, and security repression. A teacher fighting for the mother tongue is also fighting for educational justice and the right to self-determination.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Security and Continuity<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first months after the end of the war are described as \u201cthe most sensitive days.\u201d The regime is eager to act before a new wave of protest takes shape. Activists inside the country must act with \u201cmaximum vigilance\u201d and avoid any action that could provide an excuse to repressive forces. \u201cToday\u2019s vigilance is the condition for tomorrow\u2019s continuation of struggle.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Komala\u2019s Open Organization in the Kurdistan Region<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the postwar period, pressure from the Islamic Republic on the Kurdistan Region to restrict opposition activities will intensify. Two principles will govern actions: first, the continuity of the main functions must not be disrupted; second, the security and lives of comrades must not be endangered.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part Five: Tasks of the Abroad Organization<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The tasks abroad are defined along ten axes: strengthening party identity and organizational discipline; introducing Komala to global public opinion; expanding recruitment from leftist and freedom-seeking forces; united action with leftist currents through joint campaigns and seminars; strengthening the labor movement through international pressure; participation in anti-capitalist movements in host countries; defending refugees\u2019 rights; supporting the women\u2019s equality movement; financially and politically strengthening Party media; and maintaining organized presence on social media.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conclusion<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The central message of the report is that social revolution does not emerge through commands or sudden street shocks, but through the accumulation of experience, organization, consciousness, and the active participation of the masses in daily struggles. The correct policy in this period is for activists to be present within society and in the midst of the living demands of the people, to connect scattered struggles together, and to gradually create the necessary conditions for social transformation. This path both makes today\u2019s life more humane and turns the prospect of a free and equal future into a more attainable reality.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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