{"id":3141,"date":"2026-08-17T09:37:27","date_gmt":"2026-08-17T09:37:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/cpiran.net\/english\/?p=3141"},"modified":"2026-08-17T09:44:14","modified_gmt":"2026-08-17T09:44:14","slug":"statement-of-the-central-committee-of-komala-on-the-anniversary-of-khomeinis-jihad-order-against-the-people-of-kurdistan","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/cpiran.net\/english\/statement-of-the-central-committee-of-komala-on-the-anniversary-of-khomeinis-jihad-order-against-the-people-of-kurdistan\/","title":{"rendered":"Statement of the Central Committee of Komala on the Anniversary of Khomeini\u2019s Jihad Order Against the People of Kurdistan"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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The anniversary of the Islamic Republic regime\u2019s assault on Kurdistan in August 1979 arrives at a time when Iranian society is still suffering from the wounds of two major and painful events: the devastating war that broke out between the Islamic Republic and the United States, and the criminal massacre of thousands of protesters last January. These two events have inflicted deep wounds on the body of Iranian society, but at the same time, the people have learned valuable lessons. Lessons for which, unfortunately, they have paid a heavy price. Freedom is not a gift that the enemies of the people, on either side of this war, will present to the people of Iran on a golden platter. The victory of a revolution depends on having a clear strategy, organization, leadership, and a step-by-step movement toward victory. What gives the Kurdistan movement, as we now stand on the eve of the anniversary of one of its bloodiest chapters, its distinctive character is precisely this: the formation of the elements of strategy, organization, leadership, and firm and continuous steps toward victory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The August 19 Attack; A Link in the Project to Suppress the Revolution<\/strong>
The military assault on Kurdistan on August 19, 1979, was neither sudden nor without precedent. This attack was part of a broader project to suppress the Iranian Revolution; part of it had been carried out by the Shah\u2019s regime, and the Islamic Republic regime took responsibility for continuing that repression. It was a project that was placed on the agenda from the very day the Islamic movement came to power. In late March and early April 1979, on the orders of commanders of the military garrisons under the control of the newly established regime, fire was opened on the people in Mahabad and Sanandaj. In Mahabad, twenty people were killed by direct gunfire, while in Sanandaj nearly two hundred people were killed under artillery bombardment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At this stage, the nascent regime also sought to bring sections of the local reactionary forces into its camp. Arming feudal landlords and tribes and organizing them under an institution called the \u201cKurdistan Tribal Council,\u201d as well as strengthening the Islamic current led by Ahmad Moftizadeh in Sanandaj, were among the measures that paved the way for a larger attack.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On April 20, 1979, the regime provoked a bloody war between Turk and Kurdish people in Naqadeh and dispatched Revolutionary Guards under the command of Mullah Hassani to the region to carry out killings and looting. On July 14 of the same year, Revolutionary Guards opened fire on the people in Marivan; twenty-four people were killed and dozens wounded. In Sanandaj, too, gunfire by forces stationed in the city claimed the lives of several more people.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But unlike many other parts of Iran, repression in Kurdistan encountered widespread and organized resistance. The people of Kurdistan boycotted the April 1 referendum on the establishment of an Islamic government. The month-long Sanandaj strike demanding the expulsion of the Revolutionary Guards from the city, the historic exodus of the people of Marivan with the same objective, the long march from Sanandaj to Marivan, and dozens of other mass actions all demonstrated that Kurdistan was prepared to resist submitting to the rule of the new regime. Komala, anticipating that a broader assault by the regime was inevitable, was working during this period to prepare the people for a prolonged and decisive resistance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why Did Kurdistan Take a Different Path?<\/strong>
The Islamic movement, which for centuries had functioned like a state within a state, possessed an extensive network of mosques and clerics throughout the country, abundant financial resources, and cohesive leadership after the fall of the Shah\u2019s regime. With the army declaring neutrality, this movement was able to seize all the levers of power of the previous regime and rapidly rebuild the structures that had been shattered during the revolution. Neither the liberals associated with the National Front were able to win the confidence of Western governments, nor did the left-wing and communist forces, for various reasons, have the opportunity to consolidate their forces and social capacities. Only in Kurdistan did this process fail to proceed according to the plans of the Islamic movement, and the region followed a separate course.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The August 19 Assault; The Beginning of an All-Out War<\/strong>
Before the attack on Kurdistan, students had been suppressed at universities, the Turkmen Sahra movement had been drowned in blood, protests in Khuzestan had been crushed in their infancy, and workers in Bandar Anzali and Isfahan had been subjected to machine-gun fire. But the regime needed greater preparations to suppress Kurdistan, which is why the attack on the region took place later than in other parts of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On August 19, 1979, the regime, believing itself prepared to suppress the achievements of the people of Kurdistan, launched its attack along two axes, Urmia and Kamiyaran. On both fronts, the Peshmerga forces demonstrated fierce resistance. The regime was able to occupy the cities through its superiority in air power and artillery, but Komala, by publishing the statement \u201cThe Kurdish People in the Crucible of Testing,\u201d called on the people of Kurdistan to engage in comprehensive resistance. The call received widespread support; the flames of struggle spread throughout Kurdistan. Surprise attacks by the Peshmerga on the one hand, and daily mass protests on the other, shifted the balance of forces in favor of the people over the course of three months, forcing the regime to retreat, accept a ceasefire, and sit down at the negotiating table.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Return of the Peshmerga and the Experience of Popular Governance<\/strong>
The return of Peshmerga forces to the cities and the magnificent reception given to them by the people effectively announced the defeat of the August 19 assault and brought the revolutionary movement in Kurdistan into a new phase of resistance and struggle. The people, particularly the youth, employed the most innovative methods of managing social affairs and, in many parts of Kurdistan, administered society in a healthy and democratic manner. Neighborhood security was ensured with mass participation, the distribution of food and basic necessities was organized, medical and healthcare services resumed, schools and government offices continued to operate, and humane and revolutionary ethics and conduct became widespread. During this period, the \u201cDelegation of the Kurdish People\u201d was formed and assumed responsibility for administering the affairs of Kurdistan in a semi-front formation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Preparation for the Second Assault and Prolonged Resistance<\/strong>
In less than six months, the regime was preparing for another attack. Despite internal obstruction, Komala worked to prepare public opinion for confrontation with the regime\u2019s imminent offensive. The Islamic Republic avoided genuine negotiations with the delegation representing the people of Kurdistan and bought time through deceptive maneuvers. Finally, in April 1980, the second attack began along the Kamiyaran\u2013Sanandaj axis. The regime did not capture a single position without encountering heroic resistance, a resistance that lasted for years and bogged the regime down in Kurdistan. Although the regime eventually achieved military superiority, it never succeeded in forcing the people of Kurdistan to surrender.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Achievements of Council-Based Governance<\/strong>
Despite local differences and time constraints, the people of Kurdistan experienced, for the first time, a form of governance from below (a council-based government) that made unconditional political freedoms possible. The remnants of the feudal system were dismantled, and land went to those who worked it. Women entered the sphere of social activity on a broad scale. The foundations of a progressive education system were laid, and for the first time, people felt that they were no longer living under national oppression and discrimination. The resistance that later took place against the regime\u2019s assault was, in reality, a defense of these achievements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Shortcomings and Historical Lessons<\/strong>
The most important shortcoming of that period was the lack of experience and opportunity to train capable cadres for administering society. A society that had been suppressed for decades under the monarchy needed time to overcome these shortcomings. The militarization of Kurdistan\u2019s environment inevitably placed armed resistance at the forefront of forms of struggle and prevented the necessary opportunity to deepen and expand these achievements.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The most important and decisive lesson of this experience is that there must be no delay in organizing councils in workplaces and places of residence. With the first breeze of freedom, people must establish their power from below. The experience of Sanandaj\u2019s neighborhood councils, known as the \u201cBenkeh,\u201d is highly instructive in this regard. There must be advance plans for immediately responding to people\u2019s economic needs; there must be a clear strategy for confronting economic misery and neutralizing national and religious divisions; and there must be a responsible effort to eliminate national oppression. Genuine radicalism acquires meaning only in such arenas not by playing the role of an inevitably non-working class extremist party. All these elements and experiences can be observed throughout Komala\u2019s forty-seven-year history and the history of Kurdish society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From the Jina Revolution to Today; The Continuation of Kurdistan\u2019s Revolutionary Tradition
In recent years, Kurdistan has witnessed progressive and social movements demonstrating that the revolutionary movement has taken deep root in society and is expanding. The glorious Jina Revolution is a living example of this continuity. Widespread street demonstrations, political strikes, and mass and civic initiatives against the Islamic Republic that we have witnessed over the past year are shining signs that a revolutionary and mass movement remains alive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But the Jina Revolution was also neither an isolated nor an unprecedented event. The general strike in support of kolbars, the extraordinary solidarity of the people during the Kermanshah earthquake, the great carnival honoring the driver who lost his life while providing relief, widespread support for the Rojava movement for its right to self-determination, support for the people of Iraqi Kurdistan against the coercion of the central government, environmental movements, remarkable self-organization in response to the COVID-19 epidemic, women\u2019s resistance against compulsory hijab, and the broad spectrum of labor activists with nationwide influence; all demonstrate that the working and oppressed people of Kurdistan preserve and advance their revolutionary traditions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Under such circumstances, every effort must be made so that the revolutionary movement in Kurdistan, carrying with it the wealth of its own experiences, can move alongside and in solidarity with the nationwide movement of the people of Iran for bread and freedom. Isolationist, conservative, or nationalist views must not be allowed to portray legitimate and nationwide movements as irrelevant to the people of Kurdistan. All existing capacities, whether dormant or inactive, must be mobilized. The Jina Revolution has so far shown the way. We must learn from the experiences and shortcomings of this very revolution, achieve the greatest possible gains at the lowest possible cost, and pave the road to victory step by step.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the anniversary of August 19, we honor the memory of all those who lost their lives in the various trenches of this courageous and dignified resistance, giving their lives for their noble ideals and entrusting us with the continuation of the struggle toward final victory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Central Committee of Komala
(Kurdistan Organization of the Communist Party of Iran)
August 17, 2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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